1. AT the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes,
had a
quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole
country of
Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea,
and they had
a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those
that were
of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals.
However, Onias,
one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the sons of
Tobias out of
the city; who fled to Antiochus, and besought him to make use of
them for
his leaders, and to make an expedition into Judea. The king
being thereto
disposed beforehand, complied with them, and came upon the Jews
with a
great army, and took their city by force, and slew a great
multitude of
those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out his soldiers to plunder
them
without mercy. He also spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the
constant
practice of offering a daily sacrifice of expiation for three
years and six
months. But Onias, the high priest, fled to Ptolemy, and
received a place
from him in the Nomus of Heliopolis, where he built a city
resembling
1274
Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its temple 1 concerning
which we
shall speak more in its proper place hereafter.
2. Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected
taking the
city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had
made there; but
being overcome with his violent passions, and remembering what
he had
suffered during the siege, he compelled the Jews to dissolve the
laws of
their country, and to keep their infants uncircumcised, and to
sacrifice
swine’s flesh upon the altar; against which they all opposed
themselves,
and the most approved among them were put to death. Bacchides
also,
who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked
commands,
joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all sorts of the
extremest
wickedness, and tormented the worthiest of the inhabitants, man
by man,
and threatened their city every day with open destruction, till
at length he
provoked the poor sufferers by the extremity of his wicked
doings to
avenge themselves.
3. Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, one of the
priests who
lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together with
his own
family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew Bacchides
with daggers;
and thereupon, out of the fear of the many garrisons [of the
enemy], he
fled to the mountains; and so many of the people followed him,
that he
was encouraged to come down from the mountains, and to give
battle to
Antiochus’s generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of
Judea. So
he came to the government by this his success, and became the
prince of
his own people by their own free consent, and then died, leaving
the
government to Judas, his eldest son.
4. Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still,
gathered an
army out of his own countrymen, and was the first that made a
league of
friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes out of the
country
when he had made a second expedition into it, and this by giving
him a
great defeat there; and when he was warmed by this great
success, he made
an assault upon the garrison that was in the city, for it had
not been cut off
hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove
the soldiers
into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel.
He then got
the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole place, and
walled it
round about, and made new vessels for sacred ministrations, and
brought
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them into the temple, because the former vessels had been
profaned. He
also built another altar, and began to offer the sacrifices; and
when the city
had already received its sacred constitution again, Antiochus
died; whose
son Antiochus succeeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred to
the Jews
also.
5. So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and
five
thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched through
Judea
into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a
small
city; but at a place called Bethzacharis, where the passage was
narrow,
Judas met him with his army. However, before the forces joined
battle,
Judas’s brother Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the
elephants adorned
with a large tower, and with military trappings of gold to guard
him, and
supposing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great
way
before his own army, and cutting his way through the enemy’s
troops, he
got up to the elephant; yet could he not reach him who seemed to
be the
king, by reason of his being so high; but still he ran his
weapon into the
belly of the beast, and brought him down upon himself, and was
crushed
to death, having done no more than attempted great things, and
showed
that he preferred glory before life. Now he that governed the
elephant was
but a private man; and had he proved to be Antiochus, Eleazar
had
performed nothing more by this bold stroke than that it might
appear he
chose to die, when he had the bare hope of thereby doing a
glorious action;
nay, this disappointment proved an omen to his brother [Judas]
how the
entire battle would end. It is true that the Jews fought it out
bravely for a
long time, but the king’s forces, being superior in number, and
having
fortune on their side, obtained the victory. And when a great
many of his
men were slain, Judas took the rest with him, and fled to the
toparchy of
Gophna. So Antiochus went to Jerusalem, and staid there but a
few days,
for he wanted provisions, and so he went his way. He left indeed
a
garrison behind him, such as he thought sufficient to keep the
place, but
drew the rest of his army off, to take their winter-quarters in
Syria.
6. Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as
many of his
own nation came to him, so did he gather those that had escaped
out of the
battle together, and gave battle again to Antiochus’s generals
at a village
called Adasa; and being too hard for his enemies in the battle,
and killing a
great number of them, he was at last himself slain also. Nor was
it many
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days afterward that his brother John had a plot laid against him
by
Antiochus’s party, and was slain by them.
1277
CHAPTER 2
CONCERNING THE SUCCESSORS OF JUDAS, WHO WERE JONATHAN AND
SIMON, AND JOHN HYRCANUS.
1. WHEN Jonathan, who was Judas’s brother, succeeded him, he
behaved
himself with great circumspection in other respects, with
relation to his
own people; and he corroborated his authority by preserving his
friendship with the Romans. He also made a league with Antiochus
the
son. Yet was not all this sufficient for his security; for the
tyrant Trypho,
who was guardian to Antiochus’s son, laid a plot against him;
and besides
that, endeavored to take off his friends, and caught Jonathan by
a wile, as
he was going to Ptolemais to Antiochus, with a few persons in
his
company, and put him in bonds, and then made an expedition
against the
Jews; but when he was afterward driven away by Simon, who was
Jonathan’s brother, and was enraged at his defeat, he put
Jonathan to
death.
2. However, Simon managed the public affairs after a courageous
manner,
and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were cities in his
neighborhood. He also got the garrison under, and demolished the
citadel.
He was afterward an auxiliary to Antiochus, against Trypho, whom
he
besieged in Dora, before he went on his expedition against the
Medes; yet
could not he make the king ashamed of his ambition, though he
had
assisted him in killing Trypho; for it was not long ere
Antiochus sent
Cendebeus his general with an army to lay waste Judea, and to
subdue
Simon; yet he, though he was now in years, conducted the war as
if he
were a much younger man. He also sent his sons with a band of
strong
men against Antiochus, while he took part of the army himself
with him,
and fell upon him from another quarter. He also laid a great
many men in
ambush in many places of the mountains, and was superior in all
his
attacks upon them; and when he had been conqueror after so
glorious a
manner, he was made high priest, and also freed the Jews from
the
dominion of the Macedonians, after one hundred and seventy years
of the
empire [of Seleucus].
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3. This Simon also had a plot laid against him, and was slain at
a feast by
his son-in-law Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons into
prison, and
sent some persons to kill John, who was also called Hyrcanus. 2
But when
the young man was informed of their coming beforehand, he made
haste to
get to the city, as having a very great confidence in the people
there, both
on account of the memory of the glorious actions of his father,
and of the
hatred they could not but bear to the injustice of Ptolemy.
Ptolemy also
made an attempt to get into the city by another gate; but was
repelled by
the people, who had just then admitted of Hyrcanus; so he
retired
presently to one of the fortresses that were about Jericho,
which was
called Dagon. Now when Hyrcanus had received the high
priesthood,
which his father had held before, and had offered sacrifice to
God, he made
great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might afford relief to
his mother and
brethren.
[PICTURE: ELEAZAR’S ATTEMPT TO KILL ANTIOCHUS]
4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy
in other
respects, but was overcome by him as to the just affection [he
had for his
relations]; for when Ptolemy was distressed, he brought forth
his mother,
and his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and beat them with
rods in
every body’s sight, and threatened, that unless he would go away
immediately, he would throw them down headlong; at which sight
Hyrcanus’s commiseration and concern were too hard for his
anger. But
his mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she
received, nor at the
death with which she was threatened; but stretched out her
hands, and
prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries that she
suffered to spare
the wretch; since it was to her better to die by the means of
Ptolemy, than
to live ever so long, provided he might be punished for the
injuries he done
to their family. Now John’s case was this: When he considered
the courage
of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set about his attacks;
but when
he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew
feeble, and
was entirely overcome by his affections. And as the siege was
delayed by
this means, the year of rest came on, upon which the Jews rest
every
seventh year as they do on every seventh day. On this year,
therefore,
Ptolemy was freed from being besieged, and slew the brethren of
John,
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with their mother, and fled to Zeno, who was also called Cotylas,
who
was tyrant of Philadelphia.
5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from
Simon,
that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before
Jerusalem and
besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David,
who
was the richest of all kings, and took thence about three
thousand talents
in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three
thousand
talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the
Jews that had
money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.
6. However, at another time, when Antiochus was gone upon an
expedition against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an
opportunity of
being revenged upon him, he immediately made an attack upon the
cities of
Syria, as thinking, what proved to be the case with them, that
he should
find them empty of God troops. So he took Medaba and Samea, with
the
towns in their neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and
besides
these, [he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round
about
that temple which was built in imitation of the temple at
Jerusalem; he
also took a great many other cities of Idumea, with Adoreon and
Marissa.
7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city
Sebaste,
which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round
with a
wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, over the
siege; who
pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far prevailed within the
city, that
they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food. They also
invited
Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, to come to their
assistance;
whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invitation, but
was
beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued
as far as
Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled away from them. So they
returned
back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within the wall;
and when
they had taken the city, they demolished it, and made slaves of
its
inhabitants. And as they had still great success in their
undertakings, they
did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with an army as
far as
Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid waste all
the country
that lay within Mount Carmel.
8. But then these successes of John and of his sons made them be
envied,
and occasioned a sedition in the country; and many there were
who got
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together, and would not be at rest till they brake out into open
war, in
which war they were beaten. So John lived the rest of his life
very
happily, and administered the government after a most
extraordinary
manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He
died, leaving five
sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and afforded
no
occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his account.
He it was
who alone had three of the most desirable things in the world, —
the
government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and the gift
of
prophecy. For the Deity conversed with him, and he was not
ignorant of
any thing that was to come afterward; insomuch that he foresaw
and
foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters of
the
government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe
their
catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father
in felicity.
1281
CHAPTER 3
HOW ARISTOBULUS WAS THE FIRST THAT PUT A DIADEM ABOUT HIS
HEAD; AND AFTER HE HAD PUT HIS MOTHER AND BROTHER TO DEATH,
DIED HIMSELF, WHEN HE HAD REIGNED NO MORE THAN A YEAR.
1. FOR after the death of their father, the elder of them,
Aristobulus,
changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that
put a
diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and
three
months after our people came down into this country, when they
were set
free from the Babylonian slavery. Now, of his brethren, he
appeared to
have an affection for Antigonus, who was next to him, and made
him his
equal; but for the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison.
He also put
his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him;
for John
had left her to be the governess of public affairs. He also
proceeded to that
degree of barbarity as to cause her to be pined to death in
prison.
2. But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of his brother
Antigonus,
whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the kingdom; for
he slew
him by the means of the calumnies which ill men about the palace
contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aristobulus would not
believe their
reports, partly out of the affection he had for his brother, and
partly
because he thought that a great part of these tales were owing
to the envy
of their relaters: however, as Antigonus came once in a splendid
manner
from the army to that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to
make
tabernacles for God, it happened, in those days, that
Aristobulus was sick,
and that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigonus came up to
it, with his
armed men about him; and this when he was adorned in the finest
manner
possible; and that, in a great measure, to pray to God on the
behalf of his
brother. Now at this very time it was that these ill men came to
the king,
and told him in what a pompous manner the armed men came, and
with
what insolence Antigonus marched, and that such his insolence
was too
great for a private person, and that accordingly he was come
with a great
band of men to kill him; for that he could not endure this bare
enjoyment
of royal honor, when it was in his power to take the kingdom
himself.
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3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to
these
accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover his
suspicion
openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents;
so he
placed the guards of his body in a certain dark subterranean
passage; for he
lay sick in a place called formerly the Citadel, though
afterwards its name
was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders that if Antigonus
came
unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him in his
armor,
they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know
beforehand that
he should come unarmed. But, upon this occasion, the queen very
cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his ruin,
for she
persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king’s message;
but to tell
Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a very the suit
of armor
made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee; and because his
present
sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all that finery, he
very much
desired to see him now in his armor; because, said he, in a
little time thou
art going away from me.
4. As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his
brother not
allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came along with
his armor
on, to show it to his brother; but when he was going along that
dark
passage which was called Strato’s Tower, he was slain by the
body
guards, and became an eminent instance how calumny destroys all
good-will and natural affection, and how none of our good
affections are
strong enough to resist envy perpetually.
5. And truly any one would be surprised at Judas upon this
occasion. He
was of the sect of the Essens, and had never failed or deceived
men in his
predictions before. Now this man saw Antigonus as he was passing
along
by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance, (they were not
a few who
attended upon him as his scholars,) “O strange!” said he, “it is
good for me
to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that I
have
foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day
alive, who ought
to hare died this day; and the place where he ought to be slain,
according to
that fatal decree, was Strato’s Tower, which is at the distance
of six
hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours of this day
are over
already; which point of time renders the prediction impossible
to be fill
filled.” And when the old man had said this, he was dejected in
his mind,
and so continued. But in a little time news came that Antigonus
was slain
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in a subterraneous place, which was itself also called Strato’s
Tower, by
the same name with that Cesarea which lay by the sea-side; and
this
ambiguity it was which caused the prophet’s disorder.
6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been
guilty of,
and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also
grew worse
and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the thoughts
of what
he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces by the
intolerable
grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of blood. And
as one of
those servants that attended him carried out that blood, he, by
some
supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the very place
where
Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of the murderer’s
blood
upon the spots of the blood of him that had been murdered, which
still
appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the spectators,
as if the
servant had spilled the blood on purpose in that place; and as
the king
heard that cry, he inquired what was the cause of it; and while
nobody
durst tell him, he pressed them so much the more to let him know
what
was the matter; so at length, when he had threatened them, and
forced
them to speak out, they told; whereupon he burst into tears, and
groaned,
and said, “So I perceive I am not like to escape the all-seeing
eye of God,
as to the great crimes I have committed; but the vengeance of
the blood of
my kinsman pursues me hastily. O thou most impudent body! how
long
wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die on account of that
punishment it
ought to suffer for a mother and a brother slain! How long shall
I myself
spend my blood drop by drop? let them take it all at once; and
let their
ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels
offered to
them.” As soon as he had said these words, he presently died,
when he had
reigned no longer than a year.
1284
CHAPTER 4
WHAT ACTIONS WERE DONE BY ALEXANDER JANNEUS, WHO REIGNED
TWENTY-SEVEN YEARS.
1. AND now the king’s wife loosed the king’s brethren, and made
Alexander king, who appeared both elder in age, and more
moderate in his
temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government, slew
one of
his brethren, as affecting to govern himself; but had the other
of them in
great esteem, as loving a quiet life, without meddling with
public affairs.
2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and
Ptolemy,
who was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He
indeed slew
a great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to
Ptolemy.
But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and
retired
into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he
did
Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were
about
Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the
possessions of
Theodorus, the son of Zeno. Whereupon Theodopus marched against
him,
and took what belonged to himself as well as the king’s baggage,
and slew
ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this
blow, and
turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and
Gaza,
with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by
king
Herod.
3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these
cities, the
nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a
festival; for at
those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if
he should not
be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his
foreign
auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as
to the Syrians,
he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on account of
their
innate enmity against the Jewish nation. And when he had slain
more than
six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia;
and when he
had taken that country, together with the Gileadires and
Moabites, he
enjoined them to pay him tribute, and returned to Areathus; and
as
1285
Theodorus was surprised at his great success, he took the
fortress, and
demolished it.
4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians,
who had
laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he
lost his
entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and
broken to
pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his
escape to
Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to
make an
insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness
of the
calamity that he was under. However, he was then too hard for
them; and,
in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew
not fewer
than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years.
Yet had he no
reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume
his own
kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to
come to a
composition with them, by talking with his subjects. But this
mutability
and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still more.
And when
he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should do in
order to
appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it would
be then all
they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done such
tragical things to
them, even when he was dead. At the same time they invited
Demetrius,
who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as he readily
complied with
their requests, in hopes of great advantages, and came with his
army, the
Jews joined with those their auxiliaries about Shechem.
5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand
horsemen,
and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also
with him
that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten
thousand;
while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and
fourteen
thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made
proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other’s soldiers,
and make
them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander’s
mercenaries to
leave him, and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with
Demetrius to leave him. But since neither the Jews would leave
off their
rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an
engagement, and to
a close fight with their weapons. In which battle Demetrius was
the
conqueror, although Alexander’s mercenaries showed the greatest
exploits,
both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove
different
from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did
those that
1286
invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him, though
he was
conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the change of
Alexander’s
condition, when he was fled to the mountains, came over to him.
Yet could
not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but supposing that
Alexander was
already become a match for him again, and that all the nation
would [at
length] run to him, he left the country, and went his way.
6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside
their
quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but
they had a
perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest
part of them,
and driven the rest into the city Berneselis; and when he had
demolished
that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his rage
was grown so
extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the degree of
impiety; for
when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon crosses in the
midst of
the city, he had the throats of their wives and children cut
before their
eyes; and these executions he saw as he was drinking and lying
down with
his concubines. Upon which so deep a surprise seized on the
people, that
eight thousand of his opposers fled away the very next night,
out of all
Judea, whose flight was only terminated by Alexander’s death; so
at last,
though not till late, and with great difficulty, he, by such
actions, procured
quiet to his kingdom, and left off fighting any more.
7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become
an
origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius,
and the
last of the race of the Seleucidse. 3 Alexander was afraid of
him, when he
was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench
between
Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of
Joppa; he
also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden
towers, in
order to hinder any sudden approaches. But still he was not able
to
exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the
trenches, and
marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his
revenge on
Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less
consequence, he
marched directly against the Arabians, whose king retired into
such parts
of the country as were fittest for engaging the enemy, and then
on the
sudden made his horse turn back, which were in number ten
thousand, and
fell upon Antiochus’s army while they were in disorder, and a
terrible
battle ensued. Antiochus’s troops, so long as he was alive,
fought it out,
although a mighty slaughter was made among them by the Arabians;
but
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when he fell, for he was in the forefront, in the utmost danger,
in rallying
his troops, they all gave ground, and the greatest part of his
army were
destroyed, either in the action or the flight; and for the rest,
who fled to
the village of Cana, it happened that they were all consumed by
want of
necessaries, a few only excepted.
8. About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of
their hatred
to Ptolemy, the son of Menhens, invited Aretas [to take the
government],
and made him king of Celesyria. This man also made an expedition
against
Judea, and beat Alexander in battle; but afterwards retired by
mutual
agreement. But Alexander, when he had taken Pella, marched to
Gerasa
again, out of the covetous desire he had of Theodorus’s
possessions; and
when he had built a triple wall about the garrison, he took the
place by
force. He also demolished Golan, and Seleucia, and what was
called the
Valley of Antiochus; besides which, he took the strong fortress
of Gamala,
and stripped Demetrius, who was governor therein, of what he
had, on
account of the many crimes laid to his charge, and then returned
into Judea,
after he had been three whole years in this expedition. And now
he was
kindly received of the nation, because of the good success he
had. So when
he was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper; for he was
afflicted with a
quartan ague, and supposed that, by exercising himself again in
martial
affairs, he should get rid of this distemper; but by making such
expeditions
at unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater
hardships
than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He
died, therefore,
in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and
twenty years.
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CHAPTER 5
ALEXANDRA REIGNS NINE YEARS, DURING WHICH TIME THE PHARISEES
WERE THE REAL RULERS OF THE NATION.
1. NOW Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and
depended
upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her,
because she
had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them
with, and had
opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the
good-will of
the people. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for this
woman
kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her
piety; for
she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and cast
those men
out of the government that offended against their holy laws. And
as she
had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder high
priest, on
account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of his
inactive temper,
no way disposing him to disturb the public. But she retained the
younger,
Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by reason of the
warmth of his
temper.
2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her
in the
government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear
more religious
than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately. low
Alexandra
hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being herself a
woman of
great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully insinuated
themselves into her favor by little and little, and became
themselves the
real administrators of the public affairs: they banished and
reduced whom
they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their pleasure; 4
and, to say
all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal authority,
whilst the
expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to Alexandra. She
was a
sagacious woman in the management of great affairs, and intent
always
upon gathering soldiers together; so that she increased the army
the one
half, and procured a great body of foreign troops, till her own
nation
became not only very powerful at home, but terrible also to
foreign
potentates, while she governed other people, and the Pharisees
governed
her.
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3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of
figure, and
one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as
having assisted
the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men
[before
mentioned.] They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death
the rest of
those who had irritated him against them. Now she was so
superstitious as
to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew whom
they
pleased themselves. But the principal of those that were in
danger fled to
Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on
account of
their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she
took them to be
innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and were
dispersed all
over the country. But when Alexandra sent out her army to
Damascus,
under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing that city, she
got
possession of it; nor did it make any considerable resistance.
She also
prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay with his
troops about
Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, 5 by agreements and presents,
to go
away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from the siege, by reason
of those
domestic tumults which happened upon Lucullus’s expedition into
Armenia.
4. In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her
younger son,
took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he
had a great
many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth
of their
youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used
the sums of
money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary
soldiers,
and made himself king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus’s
complaint to his
mother, she compassionated his case, and put Aristobulus’s wife
and sons
under restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress that joined to
the north
part of the temple. It was, as I have already said, of old
called the Citadel;
but afterwards got the name of Antonia, when Antony was [Lord of
the
East], just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrippias, had
their names
changed, and these given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. But
Alexandra
died before she could punish Aristobulus for his disinheriting
his brother,
after she had reigned nine years.
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CHAPTER 6
WHEN HYRCANUS WHO WAS ALEXANDER’S HEIR, RECEDED FROM HIS
CLAIM TO THE CROWN ARISTOBULUS IS MADE KING; AND AFTERWARD
THE SAME HYRCANUS BY THE MEANS OF ANTIPATER, IS BROUGHT BACK
BY ABETAS. AT LAST POMPEY IS MADE THE ARBITRATOR OF THE
DISPUTE BETWEEN THE BROTHERS.
1. NOW Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his
mother
commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him
in power
and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between them, to
decide the
dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part
deserted
Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrcanus, with those
of his
party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his
power the
hostages that might he for his preservation (which were
Aristobulus’s
wife, with her children); but they came to an agreement before
things
should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and
Hyrcanus
should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his dignities,
as being the
king’s brother. Hereupon they were reconciled to each other in
the temple,
and embraced one another in a very kind manner, while the people
stood
round about them; they also changed their houses, while
Aristobulus went
to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of
Aristobulus.
2. Now those other people which were at variance with
Aristobulus were
afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and
especially this
concerned Antipater 6 whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by
birth an
Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of
his
ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: he
also
persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to
lay claim
to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus,
and to
bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches
upon
Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to
Hyrcanus,
and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a
filing it
would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his
assistance to
such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated
unjustly, by being
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deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by the
prerogative of his
birth. And when he had predisposed them both to do what he would
have
them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from the city,
and,
continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to the
place called
Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia, where he
put
Hyrcanus into Aretas’s hand; and by discoursing much with him,
and
gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him to
give him
an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This army
consisted of
fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which Aristobulus
was not
able to make resistance, but was deserted in his first onset,
and was driven
to Jerusalem; he also had been taken at first by force, if
Scaurus, the
Roman general, had not come and seasonably interposed himself,
and
raised the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria from Armenia
by
Pompey the Great, when he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus
came to
Damascus, which had been lately taken by Metellus and Lollius,
and
caused them to leave the place; and, upon his hearing how the
affairs of
Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a certain booty.
3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there
came
ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his
assistance;
but Aristobulus’s three hundred talents had more weight with him
than the
justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received, he
sent a
herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with
the
resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise
the
siege. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to
Philadelphia, as
did Scaurus return to Damascus again; nor was Aristobulus
satisfied with
escaping [out of his brother’s hands,] but gathered all his
forces together,
and pursued his enemies, and fought them at a place called
Papyron, and
slew about six thousand of them, and, together with them
Antipater’s
brother Phalion.
4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes
from
the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries;
and because
Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they
fled
to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the
same
equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him
to hate the
violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on
him to
whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character
and on
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account of his superiority in age. However, neither was
Aristobulus
wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that
Scaurus had
received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after a
manner the
most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon thought
it beneath
him to come in such a servile manner, and could not endure to
serve his
own ends in a way so much more abject than he was used to; so he
departed from Diospolis.
5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus
also and
his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not
only his
Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched
against
Aristobulus. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis,
and was
come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when
you go
up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that
Aristobulus was
fled to Alexandrium, which is a strong hold fortified with the
utmost
magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to
him, and
commanded him to come down. Now his inclination was to try his
fortune
in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner,
rather than to
comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in
great fear,
and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of the
Romans
was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their
advice, and
came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for
himself,
and for the justness of his cause in taking the government, he
returned to
the fortress. And when his brother invited him again [to plead
his cause],
he came down and spake about the justice of it, and then went
away
without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between hope and
fear.
And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to allow
him the
government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel, it was
that he
might not appear to debase himself too low. However, Pompey
commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to
write to
every one of their governors to yield them up; they having had
this charge
given them, to obey no letters but what were of his own
hand-writing.
Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had still an
indignation
at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to
fight with
Pompey.
6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations
[for a
siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to
make haste in
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his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was
informed about
Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which
bears a vast
number of palm trees 7 besides the balsam tree, whose sprouts
they cut
with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the juice,
which drops
down like tears. So Pompey pitched his camp in that place one
night, and
then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but Aristobulus
was so
aftrighted at his approach, that he came and met him by way of
supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would
deliver up
both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby
mitigated the anger
of Pompey. Yet did not he perform any of the conditions he had
agreed to;
for Aristobulus’s party would not so much as admit Gabinius into
the
city, who was sent to receive the money that he had promised.
CHAPTER 7
HOW POMPEY HAD THE CITY OF JERUSALEM DELIVERED UP TO HIM BUT
TOOK THE TEMPLE BY FORCE. HOW HE WENT INTO THE HOLY OF
HOLIES; AS ALSO WHAT WERE HIS OTHER EXPLOITS IN JUDEA.
1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus
into
custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where
he
might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that
it would be
hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was
terrible;
and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself
encompassed
with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were taken,
that temple
would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to retire to.
2. Now as be was long in deliberating about this matter, a
sedition arose
among the people within the city; Aristobulus’s party being
willing to
fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of
Hyrcanus were for
opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were in
occasioned
these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked upon
the
excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. So Aristobulus’s
party was
worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the
communication
between the temple and the city, by breaking down the bridge
that joined
them together, and prepared to make an opposition to the utmost;
but as
the others had received the Romans into the city, and had
delivered up the
palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great officers, into
that palace
with an army, who distributed a garrison about the city, because
he could
not persuade any one of those that had fled to the temple to
come to terms
of accommodation; he then disposed all things that were round
about them
so as might favor their attacks, as having Hyrcanus’s party very
ready to
afford them both counsel and assistance.
3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was oil the north
side of the
temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being
obliged to carry the
materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to
fill up that
valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as the Jews
used all the
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means possible to repel them from their superior situation; nor
had the
Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not Pompey taken notice
of the
seventh days, on which the Jews abstain from all sorts of work
on a
religious account, and raised his bank, but restrained his
soldiers from
fighting on those days; for the Jews only acted defensively on
sabbath
days. But as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley, he erected
high
towers upon the bank, and brought those engines which they had
fetched
from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to batter it down; and the
slingers of
stones beat off those that stood above them, and drove them
away; but the
towers on this side of the city made very great resistance, and
were indeed
extraordinary both for largeness and magnificence.
4. Now here it was that, upon the many hardships which the
Romans
underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other
instances
of the Jews’ fortitude, but especially that they did not at all
intermit their
religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts
on all
sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily
sacrifices and
purifications, and every branch of their religious worship, was
still
performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor indeed when the
temple
was actually taken, and they were every day slain about the
altar, did they
leave off the instances of their Divine worship that were
appointed by
their law; for it was in the third month of the siege before the
Romans
could even with great difficulty overthrow one of the towers,
and get into
the temple. Now he that first of all ventured to get over the
wall, was
Faustus Cornelius the son of Sylla; and next after him were two
centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every one of these was
followed by a
cohort of his own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides, and
slew them,
some of them as they were running for shelter to the temple, and
others as
they, for a while, fought in their own defense.
5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their
enemies
assailing them with swords in their hands, without any
disturbance, go on
with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were
offering their
drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the
duties about
their worship to God before their own preservation. The greatest
part of
them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse faction,
and an
innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices; nay,
some there
were who were so distracted among the insuperable difficulties
they were
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under, that they set fire to the buildings that were near to the
wall, and
were burnt together with them. Now of the Jews were slain twelve
thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain, but a greater
number
was wounded.
6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in
the calamities
they were then under, as that their holy place, which had been
hitherto
seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for Pompey, and
those that
were about him, went into the temple itself 8 whither it was not
lawful for
any to enter but the high priest, and saw what was reposited
therein, the
candlestick with its lamps, and the table, and the pouring
vessels, and the
censers, all made entirely of gold, as also a great quantity of
spices heaped
together, with two thousand talents of sacred money. Yet did not
he touch
that money, nor any thing else that was there reposited; but he
commanded the ministers about the temple, the very next day
after he had
taken it, to cleanse it, and to perform their accustomed
sacrifices.
Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in
other
respects had showed great alacrity, on his side, during the
siege, but as he
had been the means of hindering the multitude that was in the
country
from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very
ready to
have done; by which means he acted the part of a good general,
and
reconciled the people to him more by benevolence than by terror.
Now,
among the Captives, Aristobulus’s father-in-law was taken, who
was also
his uncle: so those that were the most guilty he punished with
decollatlon;
but rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so
bravely, with
glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon
Jerusalem
itself.
7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they
had
formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them
subject to
him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president
there; and
reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara,
9 that had
been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius,
who was
of Gadara, and was one of his own freed-men. He also made other
cities
free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,
such, I
mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and
Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and
besides these
Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he
with the
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maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was
anciently
called Strato’s Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the most
magnificent
edifices, and had its name changed to Cesarea, by king Herod.
All which he
restored to their own citizens, and put them under the province
of Syria;
which province, together with Judea, and the countries as far as
Egypt and
Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as their governor, and gave
him two
legions to support him; while he made all the haste he could
himself to go
through Cilicia, in his way to Rome, having Aristobulus and his
children
along with him as his captives. They were two daughters and two
sons;
the one of which sons, Alexander, ran away as he was going; but
the
younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were carried to Rome.
[PICTURE: POMPEY STORMS THE TEMPLE]
1298
CHAPTER 8
ALEXANDER, THE SON OF ARISTOBULUS, WHO RAN AWAY FROM
POMPEY, MAKES AN EXPEDITION AGAINST HYRCANUS; BUT BEING
OVERCOME BY GABINIUS HE DELIVERS UP THE FORTRESSES TO HIM.
AFTER THIS ARISTOBULUS ESCAPES FROM ROME AND GATHERS AN ARMY
TOGETHER; BUT BEING BEATEN BY THE ROMANS, HE IS BROUGHT BACK
TO ROME; WITH OTHER THINGS RELATING TO GABINIUS, CRASSUS AND
CASSIUS.
1. IN the mean time, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but
was
stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he
laid
waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under
great
hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to
supply which
want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him
provisions by
the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one
well
acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy his
peace.
The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him
three
hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia
10
2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away
from
Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together,
and lay
heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to
overturn him
quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured
to rebuild
its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who
was
sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as
in many
other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander; who,
as he was
afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large
army, composed
of ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen. He
also
built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and
Machorus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia.
3. However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and
followed
himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers
that were
about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of
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Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined themselves to those
captains that
were about Marcus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body
came
Oabinius with his main army soon afterward; and as Alexander was
not
able to sustain the charge of the enemies’ forces, now they were
joined, he
retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced
to fight,
and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of which
fell down
dead, and three thousand were taken alive; so he fled with the
remainder to
Alexandrium.
4. Now when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a
great many there en-camped, he tried, by promising them pardon
for their
former offenses, to induce them to come over to him before it
came to a
fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation,
he
slew a great number of them, and shut up a great number of them
in the
citadel. Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself
in this
battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never
show it so
much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the citadel,
went away
himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished,
and rebuilt
those that had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon his
injunctions, the
following cities were restored: Scythopolis, and Samaria, and
Anthedon,
and Apollonia, and Jamnia, and Raphia, and Mariassa, and
Adoreus, and
Gamala, and Ashdod, and many others; while a great number of men
readily ran to each of them, and became their inhabitants.
5. When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to
Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander
despaired of
ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and
prayed
him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him
the
remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Macherus, as he put
Alexandrium
into his hands afterwards; all which Gabinius demolished, at the
persuasion of Alexander’s mother, that they might not be
receptacles of
men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify
Gabinius, out
of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome,
which were
her husband and her other children. After this Gabinius brought
Hyrcanus
to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but
ordained
the other political government to be by an aristocracy. He also
parted the
whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to
Jerusalem,
another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a
fourth to
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Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a
city of Galilee.
So the people were glad to be thus freed from monarchical
government,
and were governed for the future by all aristocracy.
6. Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new
disturbances. He
fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews
that were
desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of
old; and
when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted
to build a
wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against
him under
Siscuria, and Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it, and
retreated to
Macherus. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he dismissed
them, and
only marched on with those that were armed, being to the number
of eight
thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant
at
Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand of his
men; so the
Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle, Aristobulus’s
party
for a long time fought courageously; but at length they were
overborne by
the Romans, and of them five thousand fell down dead, and about
two
thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the thousand that
remained with
Aristobulus brake through the Roman army, and marched together
to
Macherus; and when the king had lodged the first night upon its
ruins, he
was in hopes of raising another army, if the war would but cease
a while;
accordingly, he fortified that strong hold, though it was done
after a poor
manner. But the Romans falling upon him, he resisted, even
beyond his
abilities, for two days, and then was taken, and brought a
prisoner to
Gabinius, with Antigonus his son, who had fled away together
with him
from Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to Rome again.
Wherefore
the senate put him under confinement, but returned his children
back to
Judea, because Gabinius informed them by letters that he had
promised
Aristobulus’s mother to do so, for her delivering the fortresses
up to him.
7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the
Parthians, he
was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates,
he
brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to
provide every thing that was necessary for this expedition; for
Antipater
furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and
auxiliaries; he also
prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues
at
Pelusium, to let them pass. But now, upon Gabinius’s absence,
the other
part of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus,
1301
brought the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a
very great
army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the
country;
hereupon Gabinius was afraid, (for he was come back already out
of
Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults,) and
sent
Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet.
However,
thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself
eager to
fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when the
Jews met
him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand
of them
were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed themselves,
and fled
away. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled the government
as
Antipater would have it; thence he marched, and fought and beat
the
Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes, who fled out of
Parthin, he
sent them away privately, but gave it out among the soldiers
that they had
run away.
8. In the mean time, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in
Syria. He
took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of
Jerusalem, in
order to furnish himself for his expedition against the
Parthians. He also
took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched;
but
when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his
army
with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to
speak [more
largely].
9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians,
who were
marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that
province, and
when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march
into
Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty
thousand Jews into
slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious
followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him
so to do.
Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the
Arabisus, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him
by her,
Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides
these, Joseph
and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now
as he
made himself friends among the men of power every where, by the
kind
offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated
them; so did
he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by
marrying his
relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus, he
sent and
intrusted his children with him. So when Cassius had forced
Alexander to
1302
come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates, in
order to
prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which matter
we shall
speak elsewhere. 11
1303
CHAPTER 9
ARISTOBULUS IS TAKEN OFF BY POMPEY’S FRIENDS, AS IS HIS SON
ALEXANDER BY SCIPIO. ANTIPATER CULTIVATES A FRIENDSHIP WITH
CAESAR, AFTER POMPEY’S DEATH; HE ALSO PERFORMS GREAT ACTIONS
IN THAT WAR, WHEREIN HE ASSISTED MITHRIDATES.
1. NOW, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the
Ionian
Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and
released
Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to
him, and
sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he
should easily
conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy
prevented any effect of Aristobulus’s alacrity, and the hopes of
Caesar;
for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey’s
party;
and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed
him in his
own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in
honey,
until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried
in the royal
sepulchers.
2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Sci-pio at Antioch,
and that by
the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him
before
his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But
Ptolemy,
the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under
Libanus, took
his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to
Ascalon, who
took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus’s
wife, and
brought them to his father; and falling in love with the younger
daughter,
he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father on her
account; for
Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married her, whose
name was
Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took the greater
care of her
brother and sister.
3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and
cultivated a
friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with
the
forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about
Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Asealon, he persuaded the
Arabians,
1304
among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him,
at the
head of three thousand armed men. He also encouraged the men of
power
in Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants
of Libanus,
Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the
cities
of that country came readily into this war; insomuch that
Mithridates
ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he
had
gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they
refused him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the
attack of
which place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he
brought down
that part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped
first of all
into the city, with the men that were about him.
4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on,
those
Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of
Onias
stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to
stop
them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account
even the
people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their
own
accord joined Mithridates. Whereupon he went round about Delta,
and
fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews’
Camp; nay,
when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing,
Antipater
wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; for
he had
beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After
which success
he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great
many of
them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp,
while he
lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates lost,
during
the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred. He was
also
himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable witness
to
Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.
5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other
hazardous
enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations
and hopes
of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself
to many
dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many
wounds
almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor. And
when Caesar
had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria
again, he gave
him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from taxes,
and rendered
him an object of admiration by the honors and marks of
friendship he
1305
bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also confirmed
Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.
1306
CHAPTER 10
CAESAR MAKES ANTIPATER PROCURATOR OF JUDEA; AS DOES
ANTIPATER APPOINT PHASAELUS TO BE GOVERNOR OF JERUSALEM, AND
HEROD GOVERNOR OF GALILEE; WHO, IN SOME TIME, WAS CALLED TO
ANSWER FOR HIMSELF [BEFORE THE SANHEDRIM], WHERE HE IS
ACQUITTED. SEXTUS CAESAR IS TREACHEROUSLY KILLED BY BASSUS
AND IS SUCCEEDED BY MARCUS.
1. ABOUT this time it was that Antigonus, the son of
Aristobulus, came to
Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of
Antipater’s
further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented that
his father
appeared to have been poisoned on account of his quarrels with
Pompey,
and to have complained of Scipio’s barbarity towards his
brother, and not
to mix any invidious passion when he was suing for mercy;
besides those
things, he came before Caesar, and accused Hyrcanus and
Antipater, how
they had driven him and his brethren entirely out of their
native country,
and had acted in a great many instances unjustly and
extravagantly with
relation to their nation; and that as to the assistance they had
sent him into
Egypt, it was not done out of good-will to him, but out of the
fear they
were in from former quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for
their
friendship to [his enemy] Pompey.
2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the
multitude of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his
good-will to
Caesar, he had no occasion to say a word, because his body cried
aloud,
though he said nothing himself; that he wondered at Antigonus’s
boldness,
while he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the
Romans,
and of a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to
be fond of
innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse
other men
before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages
to
himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to
live; for
that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was
not so much
because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once
obtain the same,
1307
he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he
should gain
from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it him.
3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most
worthy of
the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what
authority
he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to him
that
bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator
of all
Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild 12 those walls
of his
country that had been thrown down. These honorary grants Caesar
sent
orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand
there as
indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater.
4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria he
returned
to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild that wall of
his own
country [Jerusalem] which Pompey had overthrown, and then to go
over
the country, and to quiet the tumults that were therein; where
he partly
threatened, and partly advised, every one, and told them that in
case they
would submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and peaceably,
and
enjoy what they possessed, and that with universal peace and
quietness;
but that in case they hearkened to such as had some frigid hopes
by raising
new troubles to get themselves some gain, they should then find
him to be
their Lord instead of their procurator; and find Hyrcanus to be
a tyrant
instead of a king; and both the Romans and Caesar to be their
enemies,
instead of rulers; for that they would not suffer him to be
removed from
the government, whom they had made their governor. And, at the
same
time that he said this, he settled the affairs of the country by
himself,
because he saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit to manage
the
affairs of the kingdom. So he constituted his eldest son,
Phasaelus,
governor of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it; he also sent
his next son,
Herod, who was very young, 13 with equal authority into Galilee.
5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials
for his
active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias,
the head
of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a
great band of
men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the robbers
with him;
which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians, insomuch that
hymns
were sung in Herod’s commendation, both in the villages and in
the cities,
as having procured their quietness, and having preserved what
they
1308
possessed to them; on which occasion he became acquainted with
Sextus
Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar, and president of Syria. A
just
emulation of his glorious actions excited Phasaelus also to
imitate him.
Accordingly, he procured the good-will of the inhabitants of
Jerusalem, by
his own management of the city affairs, and did not abuse his
power in
any disagreeable manner; whence it came to pass that the nation
paid
Antipater the respects that were due only to a king, and the
honors they
all yielded him were equal to the honors due to an absolute
Lord; yet did
he not abate any part of that good-will or fidelity which he
owed to
Hyrcanus.
6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his
prosperity;
for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus himself
already
privately, though he said nothing of it to any body; but what he
principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and
that so
many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the
great
reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many
people in
the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I
mean, who
were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of the
young men,
or of Antipater. These men said, that by committing the public
affairs to
the management of Antipater and of his sons, he sat down with
nothing
but the bare name of a king, without any of its authority; and
they asked
him how long he would so far mistake himself, as to breed up
kings against
his own interest; for that they did not now conceal their
government of
affairs any longer, but were plainly lords of the nation, and
had thrust him
out of his authority; that this was the case when Herod slew so
many men
without his giving him any command to do it, either by word of
mouth, or
by his letter, and this in contradiction to the law of the Jews;
who
therefore, in case he be not a king, but a private man, still
ought to come to
his trial, and answer it to him, and to the laws of his country,
which do not
permit any one to be killed till he hath been condemned in
judgment.
7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses,
and at
length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his
trial.
Accordingly, by his father’s advice, and as soon as the affairs
of Galilee
would give him leave, he came up to [Jerusalem], when he had
first placed
garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient body of
soldiers,
so many indeed that he might not appear to have with him an army
able to
1309
overthrow Hyrcanus’s government, nor yet so few as to expose him
to the
insults of those that envied him. However, Sextus Caesar was in
fear for
the young man, lest he should be taken by his enemies, and
brought to
punishment; so he sent some to denounce expressly to Hyrcanus
that he
should acquit Herod of the capital charge against him; who
acquitted him
accordingly, as being otherwise inclined also so to do, for he
loved Herod.
8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without
the
consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got
every thing
ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again;
whereupon those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and
told him
that Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war
upon
him; and as the king believed what they said, he knew not what
to do,
since he saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself.
And now,
since Herod was made general of Coelesyria and Samaria by Sextus
Caesar,
he was formidable, not only from the good-will which the nation
bore him,
but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell
into the
utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march
against
him with his army.
9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got
his army
together, out of the anger he bare him for his threatening him
with the
accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order
to throw
Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this he had soon done,
unless his
father and brother had gone out together and broken the force of
his fury,
and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than
to
threatening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom
he had been
advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be
so much
provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that he
was
acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a melancholy
nature, as
to be ungrateful for his deliverance; and if we ought to reckon
that God is
the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause is of more
disadvantage
than an army can be of advantage; and that therefore he ought
not to be
entirely confident of success in a case where he is to fight
against his king,
his supporter, and one that had often been his benefactor, and
that had
never been severe to him, any otherwise than as he had hearkened
to evil
counselors, and this no further than by bringing a shadow of
injustice upon
him. So Herod was prevailed upon by these arguments, and
supposed that
1310
what he had already done was sufficient for his future hopes,
and that he
had enough shown his power to the nation.
10. In the mean time, there was a disturbance among the Romans
about
Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter
of Sextus
Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his
good-will to
Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as the
rest of
Caesar’s commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army, in
order to
punish him for the murder of Caesar, Antipater also sent them
assistance
by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered, and on
account of
that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were their
friends; and as
this war grew to be of a considerable length, Marcus came out of
Italy as
successor to Sextus.
1311
CHAPTER 11
HEROD IS MADE PROCURATOR OF ALL SYRIA; MALICHUS IS AFRAID OF
HIM, AND TAKES ANTIPATER OFF BY POISON; WHEREUPON THE
TRIBUNES OF THE SOLDIERS ARE PREVAILED WITH TO KILL HIM.
1. THERE, was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans
upon
the sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and
Brutus,
after he had held the government for three years and seven
months. 14
Upon this murder there were very great agitations, and the great
men were
mightily at difference one with another, and every one betook
himself to
that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of
advancing
themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to
receive the
forces that were at Apamia, where he procured a reconciliation
between
Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with
him; so
he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of
the
army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and
demanding their
money to such a degree as they were not able to bear.
2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven
hundred
talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius’s
threats, parted
the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his
acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he
required one
Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which
necessity forced him to do. Now Herod, in the first place,
mitigated the
passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which
was a
hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor
with him;
and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at
the cities
themselves; so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two
others of
less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus,
because he had
not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but Antipater
prevented the
ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and got into
Cassius’s favor by
bringing in a hundred talents immediately. 15
1312
3. However, when Cassius was gone Malichus forgot the kindness
that
Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that
had saved
him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an
obstacle to his
wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of the power
and
cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order to get
an army to
guard himself against his treacherous designs; but when Malichus
was
caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater’s sons by his
impudence, for he
thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian of Jerusalem,
and
Herod who was intrusted with the weapons of war, and this by a
great
many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure his
reconciliation
to his father. Thus was he preserved again by Antipater, who
dissuaded
Marcus, the then president of Syria, from his resolution of
killing
Malichus, on account of his attempts for innovation.
4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against
the
younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and
Marcus
got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely
to have a
great share in providing necessaries, they then made him
procurator of all
Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius premised
him also,
that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea.
But it so
happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of
his
perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one
of the
king’s cup-bearers with money to give a poisoned potion to
Antipater; so
he became a sacrifice to Malichus’s wickedness, and died at a
feast. He
was a man in other respects active in the management of affairs,
and one
that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and preserved it in
his hands.
5. However, Malichus, when lie was suspected ef poisoning
Antipater,
and when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and
made the
people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a
greater
figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod
would be
quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army presently, in order
to
revenge his father’s death; but, upon hearing the advice of his
brother
Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open manner, lest the
multitude should
fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus’s apology, and
professed that
he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous funeral
for his
father.
1313
6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and
settled the
city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he
returned to
Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at
the
request of Malichus, who feared his reproach, forbade them to
introduce
foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country
while they
were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and
him that
gave that command, and came in by night. Upon which Malithus
came to
him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he
admitted of
his lamentations as real], although he had much ado to restrain
his passion
at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father
in his
letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus.
Cassius
sent him word back that he should avenge his father’s death upon
him, and
privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that
they should
assist Herod in a righteous action he was about.
7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men
of power
were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns
in their
hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus.
When
Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to
withdraw his
son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there,
while he
got ready to fly away into Judea; the despair he was in of
escaping excited
him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should
raise the nation
to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy about the
war
against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and
get the
crown for himself.
8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what
he was so
zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but
calling
one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he sent
him out, as
though it were to get things ready for supper, but in reality to
give notice
beforehand about the plot that was laid against him; accordingly
they
called to mind what orders Cassius had given them, and went out
of the
city with their swords in their hands upon the sea-shore, where
they
encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him with many
wounds.
Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately aftrighted, till he swooned
away
and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was with
difficulty that he
was recovered, when he asked who it was that had killed
Malichus. And
when one of the tribunes replied that it was done by the command
of
1314
Cassius,” Then,” said he, “Cassius hath saved both me and my
country,
by cutting off one that was laying plots against them both.”
Whether he
spake according to his own sentiments, or whether his fear was
such that
he was obliged to commend the action by saying so, is uncertain;
however,
by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon Malichus.
1315
CHAPTER 12
PHASAELUS IS TOO HARD FOR FELIX; HEROD ALSO OVERCOMES
ANTIGONUS IN RATTLE; AND THE JEWS ACCUSE BOTH HEROD AND
PHASAELUS BUT ANTONIUS ACQUITS THEM, AND MAKES THEM
TETRARCHS.
1. WHEN Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at
Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that
he might
revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his
brother.
Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of
Damascus,
and as he was going to his brother’s assistance, he was detained
by
sickness; in the mean time, Phasaelus was by himself too hard
for Felix,
and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for
what
assistance he had afforded Maliehus, and for overlooking
Malichus’s
brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had
gotten a
great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them
all,
Masada.
2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the
force of Herod,
who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses
again, and
drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he also
drove
away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when he
had
already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to
those Tyrians
whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some of
them he
gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured
good-will
to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had
indeed
obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants over
all Syria
16 and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted Antigonus,
the son of
Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius’s account, whom Antigonus
had
made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly on his side
when he
made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of Antigonus,
that
supplied all that he wanted.
1316
3. When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea,
he was
conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned
to
Jerusalem, beloved by every body for the glorious action he had
done; for
those who did not before favor him did join themselves to him
now,
because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; for as he
had formerly
married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood, who
was called
Doris, of whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry Mariamne,
the
daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the
granddaughter of
Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the king.
4. But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi,
and
Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest
of the
cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great
men of
the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they
kept the
government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an
honorable
name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having
made
Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him,
he
brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak
against him;
and thus did they part at this time.
5. However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal
men among
the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was already in love
with
Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews put those men
that were the
most potent, both in dignity and eloquence, foremost, and
accused the
brethren. 17 But Messala opposed them, and defended the
brethren, and
that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to
them.
When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party
was
the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party were
the fittest.
Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been formerly treated
in an
hospitable and obliging manner by his father Antipater, when he
marched
into Judea with Gabinius; so he constituted the brethren
tetrarchs, and
committed to them the government of Judea.
6. But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure,
Antony
took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was
also going
to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on
which
occasion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; so they sent
again a
thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was
1317
marching to Jerusalem; upon these men who made a clamor he sent
out the
governor of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could
catch of
them, and to settle those in the administration whom he had made
tetrarchs.
7. But before this Herod, and Hyrcanus went out upon the
sea-shore, and
earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither
bring ruin
upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their
rash
contentions; and when they grew still more outrageous, Antony
sent out
armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them; of
whom
those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the
wounded put
under the care of physicians by him; yet would not those that
had escaped
be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such
disorder, and so
provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he had in bonds also.
1318
CHAPTER 13
THE PARTHIANS BRING ANTIGONUS BACK INTO JUDEA, AND CAST
HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS INTO PRISON. THE FLIGHT OF HEROD, AND
THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM AND WHAT HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS
SUFFERED.
1. Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among
the
Parthians, and Paeorus, the king’s son, had possessed themselves
of Syria,
and when Lysanias had already succeeded upon the death of his
father
Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he
prevailed
with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and five
hundred
women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn
Hyrcanus out
of it. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched
along the
sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon the Jews
as he went
along the Mediterranean part of the country; but of the maritime
people,
the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although those of
Ptolemais and
Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop of his horse to
a certain
cup-bearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name
[Pacorus], and
gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to learn the state
of affairs
among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want
his
assistance.
2. Now as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran
together
to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion
into the
country; so he sent them before into that place called Drymus,
[the
woodland 18 ] to seize upon the place; whereupon a battle was
fought
between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them,
and
ran after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers
increased, they
proceeded as far as the king’s palace; but as Hyrcanus and
Phasaelus
received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle
in the
market-place, in which Herod’s party beat the enemy, and shut
them up in
the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard
to them.
But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came
in, and
burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them,
attacked and
1319
slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the
other by
turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were
made
continually among them.
3. Now when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand,
all the
places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a
multitude of
people that were come out of the country, and which were the
greatest
part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the
wall, and
Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an
assault
upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north
quarter of
the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all
to flight;
and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within
the
outward rampart. In the mean time, Antigonus desired that
Pacorus might
be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus was
prevailed
upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred
horse, and to
treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he came to
quell the
tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus; however, he
laid a plot
for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to
Barzapharnes,
in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very
earnest with
him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but
not expose
himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the
barbarians are
naturally perfidious. However, Pacorus went out and took
Hyrcanus with
him, that he might be the less suspected; he also 19 left some
of the
horsemen, called the Freemen, with Herod, and conducted
Phasaelus with
the rest.
4. But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the
people
of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very
cunningly
to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous
intentions by
an obliging behavior to them; accordingly, he at first made them
presents;
and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them; and
when they
were come to one of the maritime cities called Ecdippon, they
perceived
that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed of
the promise
of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the
greatest number
of the women that were there with them, among the five hundred,
to the
Parthians; they also perceived that an ambush was always laid
for them by
the barbarians in the night time; they had also been seized on
before this,
unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at
Jerusalem, because
1320
if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he would
take care of
himself; nor was this a mere report, but they saw the guards
already not
far off them.
5. Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying
away,
although Ophellius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this man
had learned
the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of all
the Syrians.
But Phasaelus went up to the Parfilian governor, and reproached
him to
his face for laying this treacherous plot against them, and
chiefly because
he had done it for money; and he promised him that he would give
him
more money for their preservation, than Antigonus had promised
to give
for the kingdom. But the sly Parthian endeavored to remove all
this
suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went [to the
other]
Pacorus; immediately after which those Parthians who were left,
and had it
in charge, seized upon Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do no
more
than curse their perfidiousness and their perjury.
6. In the mean time, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a
plot how to
seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the
city, as he
was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the
beginning; and having then received intelligence that a
messenger, who was
to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery
intended, had
fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city; though
Pacorus
said very positively that he ought to go out, and meet the
messengers that
brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them, and
that the
contents of them were not accounts of any plots upon them, but
of what
Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard from others that his
brother was
seized; and Alexandra 20 the shrewdest woman in the world,
Hyrcanus’s
daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor trust
himself to
those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt upon him
openly.
7. Now as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they
might bring
their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to
circumvent a
man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod
prevented them,
and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related
to him by
night, and this without their enemies being apprized of it. But
as soon as
the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as he
gave orders
1321
for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was
betrothed to
him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the best
of their
way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they could
to keep off
the barbarians; and when at every assault he had slain a great
many of
them, he came to the strong hold of Masada.
8. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily
upon him
than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually,
and this ever
since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these
sometimes brought
it to a sort of a regular battle. Now in the place where Herod
beat them,
and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built a
citadel, in
memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it with
the most
costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications, and
called it, from
his own name, Herodium. Now as they were in their flight, many
joined
themselves to him every day; and at a place called Thressa of
Idumea his
brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a
great number
of his followers, because Masada would not contain so great a
multitude,
which were above nine thousand. Herod complied with this advice,
and
sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that they
might go
into Idumea, and gave them provisions for their journey; but he
got safe to
the fortress with his nearest relations, and retained with him
only the
stoutest of his followers; and there it was that he left eight
hundred of his
men as a guard for the women, and provisions sufficient for a
siege; but he
made haste himself to Petra of Arabia.
9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to
plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled,
and upon the
king’s palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus’s money, which
was not
above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men’s money
also, but
not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had
a
suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken
care to have
what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea,
as
every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the
Parthians
proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the
country with war
without denouncing it, and to demolish the city Marissa, and not
only to
set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus
bound
into his. hands, in order to their being tormented by him.
Antigonus
himself also bit off Hyrcanus’s ears with his own teeth, as he
fell down
1322
upon his knees to him, that so he might never be able upon any
mutation
of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high
priests that
officiated were to be complete, and without blemish.
10. However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by
reason of
his courage; for though he neither had the command of his sword
nor of his
hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his head against a
stone; so he
demonstrated himself to be Herod’s own brother, and Hyrcanus a
most
degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the
end of his
life agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another
report about his
end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that a surgeon,
who was sent
by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound with poisonous
ingredients,
and so killed him; whichsoever of these deaths he came to, the
beginning of
it was glorious. It is also reported that before he expired he
was informed
by a certain poor woman how Herod had escaped out of their
hands, and
that he said thereupon, “I now die with comfort, since I leave
behind me
one alive that will avenge me of mine enemies.”
11. This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although
they had
failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they put the
government
of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away
Hyrcanus, and
bound him, and carried him to Parthia.
1323
CHAPTER 14
WHEN HEROD IS REJECTED IN ARABIA, HE MAKES HASTE TO ROME
WHERE ANTONY AND CAESAR JOIN THEIR INTEREST TO MAKE HIM
KING.
1. NOW Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into
Arabia, as
making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet
alive; by
which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the
covetous
temper of the barbarians to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned
thus with
himself,: — that if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his
father’s
friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free
gift, he
would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother,
and
put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be
redeemed.
Accordingly he led his brother’s son along with him, who was of
the age of
seven years. Now he was ready to give three hundred talents for
his
brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians,
to get them
accepted; however, fate had been too quick for his diligence;
and since
Phasaelus was dead, Herod’s brotherly love was now in vain.
Moreover,
he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the
Arabians; for their
king, Malichus, sent to him immediately, and commanded him to
return
back out of his country, and used the name of the Parthians as a
pretense
for so doing, as though these had denounced to him by their
ambassadors
to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in reality they had a mind to
keep back
what they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged to make
requitals to his
sons for the free gifts the father had made them. He also took
the
impudent advice of those who, equally with himself, were willing
to
deprive Herod of what Antipater had deposited among them; and
these
men were the most potent of all whom he had in his kingdom.
2. So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies,
and this
for those very reasons whence he hoped they would have been the
most
friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion
suggested, he
returned back, and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first
evening at one
of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom
he left
1324
behind; but on the next day word was brought him, as he was
going to
Rhinocurura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his
death; and
when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances
could
bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and proceeded on his
journey. But
now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had
done,
and sent presently away messengers to call him back: Herod had
prevented them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not
obtain a
passage from those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their
captains to
let him go by them; accordingly, out of the reverence they bore
to the fame
and dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria; and
when he
came into the city, he was received by Cleopatra with great
splendor, who
hoped he might be persuaded to be commander of her forces in the
expedition she was now about; but he rejected the queen’s
solicitations,
and being neither aftrighted at the height of that storm which.
then
happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed
for Rome.
3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast
out the
greatest part of the ship’s lading, he with difficulty got safe
to Rhodes, a
place which had been grievously harassed in the war with
Cassius. He was
there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius; and
although he was
then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very
great
magnitude, wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundusium, 21
and went
thence to Rome with all speed; where he first of all went to
Antony, on
account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid
before him the
calamities of himself and his family; and that he had left his
nearest
relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through
a storm, to
make supplication to him for assistance.
4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that
had
been made in Herod’s affairs, and this both upon his calling to
mind how
hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially
on
account of Herod’s own virtue; so he then resolved to get him
made king of
the Jews, w |
