Translations and studies
scholarly concern of Europeans with the quran Qurån may
be said to have begun with the visit of Peter the
Venerable, Abbot of Cluny, to Toledo in the second
quarter of the twelfth century. He became concerned with
the whole problem of Islam, collected a team of men and
commissioned them to produce a series of works which
together would constitute a scholarly basis for the
intellectual encounter with Islam. As part of this
series a translation of the quran Qurån into Latin was
produced by an Englishman, Robert of Ketton (whose name
is often deformed into Robertus Retenensis) and was
complete by July 1143. Unfortunately this translation
and the companion works did not lead to any important
developments of scholarly Islamic studies. Numerous
books were written in the next two or three centuries,
but Islam was still the great enemy, feared and at the
same time admired, and what was written was almost
exclusively apologetics and polemics, sometimes verging
on the scurrilous and the pornographic. 1
of energy at the Renaissance, the invention of printing
and the advance of the Ottoman Turks into Europe
combined to produce a number of works on Islam in the
first half of the sixteenth century. These included an
Arabic text of the quran Qurån, published at Venice in
1530, and the Latin translation of Robert of Ketton,
published along with some other works at Bale in 1543 by
Bibliander. 2 Interest continued in the seventeenth
century, and among various books which appeared there
may be mentioned the first translation of the quran
Qurån into English (1649); this was made by a Scotsman,
Alexander Ross who also wrote a book on comparative
religion, and was based on a French translation and not
directly on the Arabic. 3 A new standard of scholarship
was reached by the Italian cleric Ludovici Marracci who
in 1698 at Padua produced a text of the quran Qurån
based on a number of manuscripts, accompanied by a
careful Latin translation. Marracci is said to have
spent forty years of his life on quranic Qurånic
studies and was familiar with the chief Muslim
commentators. A comparable level of scholarship was
attained by George Sale, whose English translation,
accompanied by a 'Preliminary Discourse' giving a brief
objective account of Islam, appeared at London in 1734.
Sale's interpretation was based on the Muslim
commentators, especially baydawi al-Bayđåwæ, and was
accompanied by explanatory notes. There have been many
subsequent editions of this book, and the translation
and notes are still of value. 4
nineteenth century saw further advances in quranic
Qurånic scholarship, beginning with Gustav Flügel's
edition of the text in 1834, of which there have been
many subsequent editions, some being revised by Gustav
Redslob. The chief advances in the study of the quran
Qurån were made by persons who were also, and indeed
primarily, interested in the life of muhammad Muøammad.
The first of these was Gustav Weil whose biography of
muhammad Muøammad (1843), unfortunately not based on the
best sources, was followed by a Historische-kritische
Einleitung in den Koran (Bielefeld, 1844; second edition
1878). The two successors of Weil, Aloys Sprenger and
William Muir, both spent many years in India and there
found older and better sources for the biography. To
Sprenger belongs the credit of first discovering these
sources and realizing their importance. His first essay
in biography appeared in English at Allahabad in 1851,
and was not completed, being ultimately replaced by a
three-volume work in German, Das Leben und die Lehre des
muhammad Moøammad (Berlin, 1861-25). Some 36 pages in
the introduction to the third volume are devoted to the
quran Qurån, discussing the distinction between Meccan
and Medinan suras and the collection of the quran
Qurån. Muir followed in Sprenger's footsteps, but, as
noted on p. 112, went more thoroughly into the
chronology of the suras. His conclusions on this
question were contained in an essay on the 'Sources for
the Biography of Mahomet' which was attached to his Life
of Mahomet (London, four vols., 1858-61; subsequently
abridged and revised in various editions); and they are
stated more fully in The Coran, its Composition and
Teaching; and the Testimony it bears to the Holy
Scriptures (London, 1878).
interest in Islamic studies in Europe led the Parisian
Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres in 1857 to
propose as the subject for a prize monograph 'a critical
history of the text of the quran Coran'. It was
specified that the work was to 'rechercher la division
primitive et le caractčre des différents morceaux qui le
composent; déterminer autant quil quil est possible,
avec laide laide des historiens arabes et des
commentateurs et dapres daprčs l'examen des morceaux
eux-męmes, les moments de la vie de muhammad Mahomet aux
quels ils se rapportent; exposer les vicissitudes que
traversa le texte du quran Coran, depuis les rézitations
de muhammad Mahomet jusqua jusquā la récension
définitive qui lui donna la forme oų nous le voyons;
déterminer dapres daprčs l'examen des plus anciens
manuscrits la nature des variantes qui ont survécu aux
récensions'. The subject attracted three scholars: Aloys
Sprenger; the Italian Michele Amari, who was beginning
to make a name for himself as the historian of Islamic
Sicily; and a young German Theodor Nöldeke who in 1856
had published a Latin disquisition on the origin and
composition of the quran Qurån. The latter scholar won
the prize, and an enlarged German version of the
prize-gaining work was published at Göttingen in 1860 as
Geschichte des quran qorans Qoråns, and became the
foundation of all later quranic Qurånic studies.
subsequent history of Nöldeke's book is itself a
veritable saga. In 1898 the publisher suggested a second
edition; and as Nöldeke himself could not contemplate
this, the task was entrusted to a pupil, Friedrich
Schwally. Schwally took up the task with traditional
German thoroughness; but because of the thoroughness and
for various other reasons the publication of the second
edition was spread out over many years. The first
volume, dealing with the origin of the quran Qurån,
eventually appeared at Leipzig in 1909; and the second,
on 'the collection of the quran Qurån', in 1919.
Schwally, however, died in February 1919, after
virtually completing the manuscript, and it had to be
seen through the press by two colleagues. Schwally had
also done no more than preliminary work for a third
volume on the history of the text, but his successor at
Königsberg, Gotthelf Bergsträsser, agreed to make
himself responsible for the volume. Two sections of the
volume (about two-thirds of the whole) were published in
1926 and 1929. A further quantity of important material
had come to light by this time and delayed the third
section. Next Bergsträsser died unexpectedly in 1933;
and it fell to yet another scholar, Otto Pretzl, to
bring the work to completion in 1938, sixty-eight years
after the first edition and forty years after the first
suggestion of a second edition. It is truly a remarkable
work of scholarly cooperation, and deservedly maintains
its position as the standard treatment of the subject,
even though some parts of it now require revision.
1860 volume by no means exhausted the problems of
quranic Qurånic study. He himself made further
contributions, notably in the opening section 'Zur
Sprache des Korans' (pp. 1-30) of his Neue Beiträge zur
semitischen Sprachwissenschaft (Strassburg, 1910).
Hartwig Hirschfeld after some earlier work on the quran
Qurån published in 1902 in London his New Researches
into the Composition and Exegesis of the Qoran, of which
something has been said above (p. 112). The 'socialist'
biographer of muhammad Muøammad, Hubert Grimme, in
connection with his work on the biography, pursued
independent lines of research into the composition and
chronology of the quran Qurån as described above (p.
112). While the twentieth century has seen many further
books and articles on the quran Qurån, the most notable
work of a general kind has been Koranische
Untersuchungen by Josef Horovitz (Berlin, 1926), which
deals with the narrative sections of the quran Qurån
and the proper names. Arthur Jeffery's Foreign
Vocabulary of the quran Qurån (Baroda, 1938) is a
useful reference volume, summarizing much previous work
and making fresh contributions; there have of course
been many advances in the last thirty years. His
Materials for the Study of the Text of the quran Qurån
(p. 44 above) is a mark of his interest in the field in
which Bergsträsser was also working. The volume
containing Ignaz Goldziher's lectures on Die Richtungen
der islamischen Koranauslegung (Leiden, 1920) is
outstanding in its field (cf. p. 167 above).
In the last
half-century three men have devoted a large part of
their time to quranic Qurånic studies. The oldest of
these, Richard Bell, set out the first-fruits of his
work on the quran Qurån in the form of lectures on The
Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment (London,
1926). The major results of his work, though in a
slightly incomplete form, are to be found in his
translation-The quran Qurån: Translated, with a
critical re-arrangement of the Surahs (two vols.,
Edinburgh, 1937, 1939). Unfortunately it has not proved
possible to publish the mass of notes which he left,
explaining in detail the reasons for his conclusions.
This lack is partly made good by his articles (mentioned
in the list below) and partly by his Introduction to the
quran Qurån (Edinburgh, 1953), of which the present
volume is a revised version.
In the case
of Régis Blachčre the study of the life of the prophet,
entitled Le Problčme de Mahomet (Paris, 1952) and based
on the premiss that the quran Qurån is the only
reliable source, appeared after the other work on the
quran Qurån. This latter was focussed on a translation:
Le Coran: traduction selon un essai de reclassement des
sourates (three vols., Paris, 1947-51). The dating and
arrangement of the suras has already been discussed
(p.112). The first of the three volumes is entirely
devoted to an introduction, of which a second edition
was published separately in 1959. This deals with the
collection of the text, the variant readings, the
history of the text and similar matters. Specially
valuable is the section on 'amélioration graphique' or
improvement of the script, since this includes the
results of the study of existing ancient copies of the
It is well
known to the colleagues of Rudi Paret that he has been
working for many years on the quran Qurån. As in the
case of Bell a small book of a general kind came first:
muhammad Mohammed und der quran Koran (Stuttgart, 1957).
This is a short account of the life of the prophet which
for the most part passes over the military and political
aspects and concentrates on the religious aspects,
especially those for which there is quranic Qurånic
material. He has also published some articles, such as
'Der quran Koran als Geschichtsquelle' (Der Islam,
xxxvii/1961, 24-42). At the centre of his work, however,
has been the quran Qurån itself; and a complete German
translation appeared in four 'Lieferungen' between 1963
and 1966 at Stuttgart. The interpretation of each term
has been based on an exhaustive comparison of all the
instances of it and of cognate terms throughout the
quran Qurån. The reader may thus have a high degree of
confidence that he has been given an accurate rendering
of what the quran Qurån meant for the first hearers.
There is no structural analysis, apart from a division
into paragraphs; and there are no notes apart from
explanatory additions to the text and footnotes giving a
literal rendering where for the sake of style or clarity
the main translation is somewhat free. Further
publications are promised in the shape of a commentary
or discussions of various problems. It is to be hoped
that these, which will indeed be the 'crown of a
lifeswork' will not be long delayed.
translations of the quran Qurån those by J. M. Rodwell
(1861) and E. H. Palmer (1880) were not without merit,
but are now passed over in favour of more recent ones.
That of Marmaduke Pickthall (The Meaning of the Glorious
quran Koran, an explanatory translation; London, 1930),
though it does not read well, is interesting as the work
of an Englishman who became a Muslim and had his
translation approved by Muslim authorities in Cairo.
Another translation by a Muslim is that in the Penguin
Classics (1956), The quran Koran, by N. J. Dawood, an
Iraqi with an excellent command of English. His
translation is very readable, since his aim is that it
should always be meaningful to a modern man, but this
leads to some departures from the standard
interpretations. The most satisfactory English
translation so far is that of Arthur J. Arberry of
Cambridge. He first published The Holy quran Koran, an
Introduction with Selections (London, 1953), which was
an experimental translation of selected passages using
various methods. This was followed in 1955 by a complete
translation entitled The quran Koran Interpreted (two
volumes, London). The method adopted for this was to put
the whole into short lines, regardless of the length of
the Arabic verses but varying to some extent according
to the subject-matter. The diction is carefully chosen;
and the translation as a whole has managed to suggest
something of the grace and majesty of the original
Arabic. The present writer's Companion to the quran
Qurån (London, 1967), based primarily on the Arberry
translation, is intended to provide the English reader
with a minimum of explanatory notes.
following is a small selection of useful books and
articles not otherwise mentioned in the text or notes of
this volume. A fairly complete list of articles will be
found in the relevant sections of J. D. Pearson's Index
Islamicus, 1906-1955 (Cambridge, 1958) and supplements.
Books as well as articles, mostly with brief comments,
are listed in Abstracta Islamica, published annually as
a supplement to Revue des études islamiques (Paris).
Books and articles up to 1922 are discussed in the work
of Pfannmüller mentioned in note 2 to this chapter.
Snouck-Hurgronje: 'La légende quran qoranique qorånique
d'Abraham et la politique religieuse du Prophčte
muhammad muhammad Mohammed' (1880; French translation by
G. H. Bousquet, Revue africaine, 95 , 273-88).
Die haggadischen Elemente im erzählenden Teile des quran
qurans Korans (first section only), Leipzig, 1907.
'Studien zur Kritik und Exegese des quran qorans
Qoråns', Der Islam, vi (1915-16), 113-48.
'Die Himmelsreise muhammad Muhammeds', ibid. 1-30.
Rudolph: Die Abhängigkeit des quran qorans Qoråns von
Judentum und Christentum, Stuttgart, 1922.
Barthold: 'Der quran Koran und das Meer', Zeitschrzfl
der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 83 (1929),
'Christliches im quran Qoran: eine Nachlese', ibid. 84
(1930), 15-68, 148-90.
Speyer: Die biblischen Erzählungen im quran Qoran,
Gräfenhainichen, 1931 (reprinted 1961).
Les origines des légendes musulmanes dansle quran Coran,
muhammad Muhammedals Religionsstifter, Leipzig, 1935.
Richard Bell on quranic Qurånic subjects (complete
in the quran Koran; the composition of Surah xxiii',
Moslem World, xviii (1928), 227-33.
the hanifs Øanifs?', ibid. xx (1930), 120-4.
'The Men of
the araf A˙råf (Surah vii: 44)', ibid. xxii (1932),
of the id ˙Id adha al-Adøå', ibid. xxiii (1933), 117-20.
Call', ibid. xxiv (1934), 13-19.
Visions', ibid. xxiv. 145-54.
and previous Messengers', ibid. xxiv. 330-40.
and Divorce in the quran Qurån', ibid. xxix (1939),
al-Øashr: a study of its composition', ibid. xxxviii
Muøammad's Pilgrimage Proclamation', Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society, 1937, 233-44.
Development of Muhammad's Teaching and Prophetic
Consciousness', School of Oriental Studies Bulletin,
Cairo, June 1935, 1-9.
Beginnings of Muhammad's Religious Activity',
Transactions of the Glasgow University Oriental Society,
vii (1934-5), 16-24.
Sacrifice of Ishmael', ibid. x. 29-31.
of the quran Qurån', ibid. xi (1942-4), 9-15.
Knowledge of the Old Testament', Studia Semitica et
Orientalia, ii (W. B. Stevenson Festschrift), Glasgow,
Allard, etc.: Analyse conceptuelle du quran Coran sur
cartes perforées, The Hague, 1963 (2 Vols. and cards);
explained by Allard in 'Une méthode nouvelle pour
l'étude du quran quran Coran', Studia Islamica, xv
Man in the quran Qurån, Amsterdam, 1965.
Birkeland: The Lord guideth: studies on primitive Islam,
Blachčre: Le quran Coran (Collection 'Que sais-je?'),
Brunschvig: 'Simples remarques négatives sur le
vocabulaire du quran quran Coran', Studia Islamica, v
Causse: 'Théologie de rupture et de la communauté: étude
sur la vocation prophétique de Moīse dapres daprčs le
quran quran Coran', Revue de l'histoire et de
laphilosophie religieuses, i (1964), 60-82.
Henninger: Spuren christlicker Glaubenswahrheiten im
quran Koran, Schöneck, 1951.
Izutsu: God and Man in the quran Koran: semantics of the
quran quranic Koranic Weltansckauung, Tokyo, 1964.
Ethico-Religious Concepts in the quran Qurån, Montreal,
Jeffery: 'The quran Qurån as Scripture', Muslim World,
xl (1950), 41-55, 106-134, 185-206, 257-75.
Jomier: 'Le nom divin "rahman al-Raømån" dans le quran
quran Coran', Mélanges Louis Massignon, Damascus, 1957,
- The Bible
and the quran Koran (tr. Arbez), New York, 1964. Ilse
Lichtenstadter: 'Origin and Interpretation of some quran
quranic Koranic Symbols', Arabic and Islamic Studies in
honor of Hamilton A. R. Gibb (ed. G. Makdisi), Leiden,
Macdonald: 'Joseph in the quran Qurån and Muslim
Commentary: a comparative study', Muslim World, xlvi
(1956), 113-31, 207-24.
Le quran Coran et la révélation judéo-chrétienne, 2
vols., Paris, 1958.
Obermann: 'Islamic Origins: a study in background and
foundation', The Arab Heritage, ed. N. A. Faris,
Princeton, 1946, 58-120.
God of Justice: a study in the ethical doctrine of the
quran Qurån, Leiden, 1960.
'Reflections on the Tradition of quranic Qurånic
Exegesis', Muslim World, lii (1962), 269-307.
Ringgren: 'The Conception of Faith in the quran Qurån',
Oriens, iv (1951), 1-20.
Gottesfurcht im quran quran Koran', Orientalia Suecana,
iii (1954), 118-34.
Shahid: 'A Contribution to quran quranic Koranic
Exegesis', Arabic and Islamic Studies . . . Gibb (as
al-Shamma: The Ethical System underlying the quran
Qurån, Tübingen, 1959.
facing the non-Muslim scholar
question of truth.
question is asked, 'Is the quran Qurån true?' it has to
be countered by another, 'What does that question mean?'
Before we can say whether the quran Qurån is true or
not, we have to clarify our minds on the whole problem
of the relationship of language to experience and more
particularly to religious experience or, better, to
man's experience of life in its totality, This is a vast
subject which can only be adumbrated here.
starting-point might be a distinction between a cerebral
knowledge of religious ideas and an experiential
knowledge of these same ideas. This distinction is found
in other fields also. A student may be taught the
scientific account of the various things that happen to
a man's body when he is drunk; but, if he has lived a
sheltered life, has never been slightly drunk, and has
never seen a drunk man, his knowledge remains cerebral.
The point is even more obvious with sexual intercourse.
The person who has had no actual experience cannot from
reading novels or scientific textbooks form an adequate
idea of the 'feel' of the experience. The person without
experience may have a perfect cerebral knowledge, but
only experience can give experiential knowledge.
The case of
religious ideas is even more complex. The ideas may
sometimes deal apparently with objective external
realities, sometimes with a man's inner states. Children
brought up in a community of the adherents of a religion
normally acquire a cerebral knowledge of the ideas of
the religion long before they have an experiential
knowledge. For one thing some of the profounder
experiences associated with religion come only to a few
and only after the attainment of some degree of
maturity. For another thing, since one cannot point to
interior states as one can point to external objects
like plants, a person may not always recognize in his
experience the things of which he has cerebral
knowledge. One day it will come with a flash of
illumination that 'This (in my present experience) is
that which I have known about for years'.
person can only reach important levels of religious
experience through participating in the life of the
community in which he has been brought up and basing his
activity on its ideas. There are exceptions, but this is
the normal case. It is not easy for a person brought up
in a Christian environment to appreciate the religious
ideas of Islam, far less to make them the basis of a
satisfactory life. The same is true for the Muslim with
Christian ideas. This means that it is Christian ideas
which give the Christian the best chance of attaining a
richer and deeper experience, and likewise Muslim ideas
the Muslim. Moreover we know that some such experience
has actually been attained among both Christians and
Muslims. At the same time we have no even approximately
objective criterion to decide whose experience of life
is richer and deeper.
One of the
effects on the scholar of studying a religion other than
that in which he was brought up is to produce a more
sophisticated attitude in him. He no longer naively
accepts words at their face value. Phrases like 'the
uncreated speech of God' or 'the comfort of the Holy
Spirit', he now realizes, do not mean a simple object in
the way the phrase 'that tree' means the object at the
end of the garden. Rather he has come to understand that
he is primarily concerned with realities, which enter
into 'man's experience of life as a whole', but at which
language can only imperfectly hint, From this
sophisticated standpoint the scholar can regard the
Christian and the Muslim as being both concerned with
the same realities-beyond-language, though each uses his
own system of ideas and of language to deal as best he
can in his practical living with these realities. The
scholar can further see that both these systems are
effective for those brought up in the community based on
the system; and fortunately he does not require to
decide which is the more effective, since in his own
practical living he must make use-perhaps in a
sophisticated form-of the system of ideas in which he
was brought up.
from this that truth is to be regarded as belonging not
to separate propositions in a book, but to a whole
system of ideas as embodied in the life of a community.
Because this is so there is no uncommitted standpoint
from which different sets of ideas can be objectively
compared. The only possible comparison is one which is
linked with a decision to abandon one s own community
and attach oneself to some other. Such a decision,
however, comes at a relatively naive level. At the more
sophisticated level of the scholar just described, he
sees that the systems of ideas followed by Jews,
Christians, Muslims, Buddhists and others are all true
in so far as they enable human beings to have a more or
less satisfactory 'experience of life as a whole'. So
far as observation can tell, none of the great systems
is markedly inferior or superior to the others. Each is
therefore true. In particular the quran Qurån is in
this sense true. The fact that the quranic Qurånic
conception of the unity of God appears to contradict the
Christian conception of the unity of God does not imply
that either system is false, nor even that either
conception is false. Each conception is true in that it
is part of a system which is true. In so far as some
conception in a system seems to contradict the accepted
teaching of science-or, that of history in so far as it
is objective-that contradiction raises problems for the
adherents of the system, but does not prove that the
system as a whole is inferior to others. That is to say,
the quranic Qurånic assertion that the Jews did not
kill Jesus does not prove that the quranic Qurånic
system as a whole is inferior to the Christian, even on
the assumption that the crucifixion is an objective
What then is
the non-Muslim scholar doing when he studies the quranic
Qurånic system of ideas? He is not concerned with any
question of ultimate truth, since that, It has been
suggested, cannot be attained by man. He assumes the
truth, in the relative sense just explained, of the
quranic Qurånic system of ideas. He is interested,
however, in looking at these ideas in their
relationships to one another, at their development over
the centuries, at their place in the life of the
community, and similar matters; and he also tries to
express his thoughts and conclusions in 'neutral'
language which will neither deny the truth of the ideas
in the relative sense nor improperly assert their
ultimate truth in some naive sense.
question of sources.
Nineteenth-century European scholars were, as we now
think, excessively concerned with the attempt to
discover the 'sources' of quranic Qurånic statements.
Modern work on this subject may be said to have begun in
1833 with the book (in German) of Abraham Geiger
entitled What has Muhammad taken from Judaism? 5
Numerous other scholars entered the lists, and there was
quite a battle between those who thought Judaism was the
main source and those who thought it was Christianity.
Some of the more recent works will be found in the list
above. Since the study of sources has been objected to
by Muslims, it seems worth while making some remarks of
a general kind.
study of sources does not explain away the ideas whose
sources are found, nor does it detract from their truth
and validity. Shakespeare's play of Hamlet remains a
very great play even after we have found the 'source'
from which Shakespeare derived the outline of the story.
No more does our knowledge of the source tell us
anything of importance about the creative processes in
Shakespeare's mind, This is admittedly not an exact
parallel with the quran Qurån, yet men have often
thought that there was some divine inspiration in the
work of great poets and that we can properly speak of a
even those who accept the doctrine that the quran Qurån
is the uncreated speech of God may properly study
'sources' in the sense of external influences on the
thinking of the Arabs in muhammad Muøammad's time. It is
repeatedly asserted in the quran Qurån that it is 'an
Arabic quran Qurån'; and this implies that the quran
Qurån is not merely in the Arabic language but is also
expressed in terms of the conceptions familiar to the
Arabs. Thus 23.88/90 has frequently been misunderstood
by European scholars because it makes statements about
God in terms of the distinctively Arab conception of
ijara ijåra or 'the giving of neighbourly protection'.
Again many of the 'narratives' of the quran Qurån are
in an allusive style which presupposes that the hearers
already have some knowledge of the story.
If these two
points are accepted, it will be seen that the study of
sources and influences, besides being a proper one, has
a moderate degree of interest. It tells us something
about the spread of ideas and other cultural features in
Arabia before the revelation of the quran Qurån. We can
perhaps also learn something of the general laws which
cause peoples to take over certain ideas from their
neighbours and to reject certain other ideas. Such
matters are of interest to students of the social
sciences and to like-minded general readers. Such a
study of sources and influences, of course, also raises
theological problems for the Muslim, or rather gives
additional complexity to old problems. The doctrine of
the uncreated quran Qurån already raises the problem of
the relation of the eternal and the temporal. It may be
asserted that the temporal events mentioned in the quran
Qurån are eternally known to God, but this still leaves
questions unanswered. How can imperfect human language
represent the perfection of divine thought? If it is
held that language is created by God, this seems to
imply that God works through secondary causes; and the
relation of these secondary causes to God who is the
primary cause of all events, is but another form of the
relation between the temporal and the external. Thus the
problem has really only taken on another form.
Qurån has been studied and meditated on for about
fourteen centuries, and much has been achieved. Yet in
this strange new world of the later twentieth century
when Muslims are in closer contact with devout and
convinced non-Muslims than at any time since the first
century of Islam, there is need for still further study
of the quran Qurån and study along new lines; and this
must be undertaken by both Muslims and non-Muslims. 6